WHAT NIGERIA CAN LEARN FROM CHINA
Today’s post is as a result of
the New York Times podcast (which I listen to everyday) streamed on Wednesday 5th December and Thursday 6th December. The title of the
podcast is what the west got wrong about
china and it was streamed in two parts.
I believe Nigeria adopts a lot of
western values and that’s why I’m certain the lessons not only apply to the
west but also to us as a country. Please find below an excerpt from the online
post on the New York Times titled five takeaways from our new china project by Megan Specia.
Read, Enjoy and Share.
How did China do
it?
When The New
York Times set out to take a big-picture look at China, the what was
obvious enough: Across the Pacific Ocean from the United States lies the
world’s newest superpower, a rival to American interests both economic and
political.
The how was
another matter.
How did the land
once commonly — and with some disdain — known in the West as Communist China
come to lead the world in the number of homeowners, internet users, college
graduates and, by some counts, billionaires?
How did a
once-cloistered nation with a flailing economy drive extreme poverty down to
less than 1 percent? How did it achieve social economic mobility unrivaled by
much of the world?
And perhaps most
of all, how did a country that rejected all of the conventional wisdom Western
economists had to offer arrive at a moment when it is on track to surpass the
American economy and become the world’s largest?
When The Times
launched China Rules, the series that began last Sunday, these were the
questions we asked our reporters to try to answer. The last four articles in
the series will appear this Sunday, when a special print section will also be
published.
Here are some
takeaways about what they found.
1.
China’s growth was more than a little improvised.
In the uncertain
years after the death of Mao Zedong — the founding father of the People’s
Republic of China — Chinese leaders struggled to find a way forward. It was the
1980s, and the country was still recovering from decades of political and
economic turmoil.
After decades of
centralized planning and state control of the economy brought much of the
country to its knees, Chinese officials knew they had to try something else —
but what? The answer was far from clear.
“The Chinese
economy has grown so fast for so long now that it is easy to forget how
unlikely its metamorphosis into a global powerhouse was, how much of its ascent
was improvised and born of desperation,” writes Philip P. Pan in the opening
article of our China Rules reports.
The main thing China’s leaders
did was to embrace capitalism, cautiously, while still retaining a tight grip
on society. What followed was over 40 years of growth.
The world may have thought
that it could change China, and in many ways it has, but China has also changed
the world.
Now, the
question for China has turned from how to compete to how to pull ahead in an
era of American hostility that has realigned the global dynamic. As President
Xi Jinping pushes a more aggressive agenda overseas and tightens controls at
home, the Trump administration has launched a trade war that has brought the
countries to the cusp of a new Cold War.
2.
American attitudes toward China have soured to an
extent not seen in decades.
When Henry A.
Kissinger, President Richard M. Nixon’s national security adviser, made a
secret trip to Beijing in 1971, he opened a new era of engagement between the
United States and China. It was grounded in the mind-set that increasing trade
and investment would benefit both countries by making America safer and China
more prosperous.
But the decades
of engagement that followed have given way to a trade war encouraged by China
hawks like Stephen K. Bannon, the former chief strategist to President Trump.
Mr. Bannon’s view that China is the greatest long-term threat to the United
States has influenced Mr. Trump’s policymaking.
Mr. Kissinger
and Mr. Bannon can be seen as bookends on the era of open engagement with
China, writes Mark
Landler, in a piece that dives into the changing tone of American
diplomacy with China.
China’s rise
came despite its rejection of the Western recipe for economic success and its
key ingredient: openness, write Keith
Bradsher and Li Yuan. China managed to grow by adopting reforms on
its own terms, allowing more freedom for businesses but keeping iron control of
critical levers of the economy.
And now, China
has begun clamping down even more. President Xi has reversed course on some of
the decades of reforms that the former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping made to
drag the economy forward. New internal and external pressures will test this
model like never before.
3.
China’s global footprint is growing, and Beijing is
playing an increasingly assertive role in the world.
Its relationship
with the United States may be contentious, but China has been busy making its
mark in a bid for global influence, even as America turns increasingly inward.
From Cambodia to
South Africa, it has been funding major infrastructure projects like dams,
bridges, ports and power plants. Some describe the effort as a modern-day
Marshall Plan, the American reconstruction campaign after World War II that
laid the foundation for many enduring military and diplomatic alliances.
China’s take on
that, the so-called Belt and Road Initiative, is bolder, more expensive and far
riskier. As it works to win new allies and develop new markets, Chinese-funded
projects are reshaping financial and geopolitical ties. But the costs for both
aid recipients and China can be high. And Beijing is sometimes accused of using
its infrastructure investments to ensnare partners in debt traps — and then
seize their assets.
We examined
nearly 600 projects that China helped finance in the last decade. They show the
scope of China’s strategy on a global scale.
As China focuses
attention on its immediate neighbors, it has overtaken the United States as the
leading trade partner in Asia. It is also projecting power through military
might in the South China Sea, where Mr. Xi has ordered the development of
several contested islands.
All of this has
been unsettling for some of China’s neighbors, who worry about a return to an
old tribute system, Jane Perlez and Peter S. Goodman write in an
essay exploring China’s reach.
4.
The American Dream is alive and well ... in China.
The American
Dream has long promised a pathway to a better life for those willing to work
hard. But unprecedented economic expansion in China has created an environment
where upward mobility may now be more attainable in Beijing than Baltimore.
While China is
still much poorer than America over all, it is outpacing its Western rival in
some crucial areas.
Its population
is among the most optimistic in the world, according to public opinion surveys.
Eight hundred million people have risen out of poverty since the 1990s. Incomes
are rising across generations, with children out-earning their parents. Life
expectancy has soared.
It’s more
complicated than that, of course. Education and a growing private sector have
offered a path to social mobility, but they can also function as a means of
social control. The government offers an unspoken pact to its people: A good
life is possible for anyone who works hard, even the children of peasants — as
long as they stay out of politics.
Western
assumptions that China would change as it grew richer, and become more like the
West, have proved wrong. It is charting a different path. Amy Qin and Javier C.
Hernández explore how China’s
rulers control society through a potent mixture of opportunity,
nationalism and fear.
5.
What’s does “Made in China” mean? Not what it once
did.
China charted a
new manufacturing model in a bid to build cutting-edge industries that could
rival Western giants.
It is making
more complex products — like cellphones and computers — at breakneck speed and
unprecedented scale. Yet it is also making even more of the cheaper products
that were once a staple of its economy, like toys, umbrellas and combs. “Made in China”
no longer means a cheap product, or one that was simply assembled there.
Defying the
conventional wisdom of economic development, it is trying to do it all. The
Communist Party is throwing the full financial weight of the state behind these
efforts.
Beyond
manufacturing, China has begun getting more involved in all types of
industries.
In Hollywood,
for example, China now has major influence
over how it is depicted in movies, thanks to its growing box office
market and its financing of top-tier films. It is using that power to spread a
preferred global narrative, part of a broader push by the government to present
a friendlier, less menacing image to the world.
Mr. Xi has
emphasized the need to “tell China’s story well.”
China also, in
effect, walled out the internet the rest of the world sees — and then made its own.
Now, it has the world’s only internet companies that can match America’s in
ambition and reach. All of this has played out on a patch of cyberspace blocked
from web giants like Facebook and Google and policed by censors.
Chinese
companies have long mimicked their American corporate counterparts, but Chinese
tech firms have evolved quickly from copying Silicon Valley’s successes to
making huge strides of their own, from mobile payments to social media
innovations. Now the inspiration flows both ways, with American companies
taking notes from Chinese counterparts.
Lets hope that Nigeria can learn some of these lessons as quickly as possible not only as a form of national development but also adopting them as individuals thereby aiding and facilitating our total well being as a people and as a nation.
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